Find ancestry of mullican family in ireland
My grandfather, M. Melvin , lists Alabama as his place of birth, with his father having been born in Scotland and his mother in Ireland. This was in the census and the census I have not been able to find him listed in any census before , at which time he was living in Mississippi. He ended up in Midway Texas, where he died in I have searched for years, trying to find a record of any kind for him in Alabama, and so far, no luck in that or in finding names for his parents.
Atlas of Family Names in Ireland
My own gg-gf went to Smith Co, Texas with other family members in I found that each generation moved a little further down the east coast and headed west at end of Appalachian Mtns. Therefore many came through Ala. I found a whole new family both deceased and living in Alabama!! My families the Hurley and Edwards family came from Alabama. My great great grandfather came to Texas with his family from Pike County Alabama by wagon train in Donna Causey, Thank you so much for all of your effort and hard work on the history of Alabama.
I have ancestors from both sides of my family with deep roots in Alabama that migrated to Texas. Weaver my GGF. My dad said our heritage was Scotch-Irish. Thank you for the history!!! The reasons for family moves from one state to another is an integral to reserching genealogy. My grgrgrandmother was from Coosa AL. Elizabeth Jane Coker.
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You may also like. C Christain January 6, Donna Causey January 26, Kathryn Halliday February 1, Deborah Edwards Moorefield April 26, Martha Murphy July 25, Lisa "Maddox" Miller April 26, Tiffani Chanel July 25, Phyllis Miller July 25, Donald Mullins July 25, Katherine Clayton Knox July 25, Sharon Stagg July 25, Kathleen Jasmin February 22, Lucy Jackson July 25, Kenneth H.
Haughton July 25, Charles Moore July 25, Perry Brunson Bond July 25, Patti Buckner July 26, Ralph Holloway July 26, Patti Buckner July 27, Bill Starnes September 21, Mary Strange September 21, Barbara Adkins September 24, Lamar Huffstutler September 1, Wm Flake Joiner September 1, Indeed The attrition rate for first names for all of the other subsequent periods ranges from The most dramatic transformation in both the number and variety of first names seems to take place in the ninth century.
Powerful continuities in first name use are also attested in the Annals of Ulster AU. At least 18 first names are recorded as occurring in all eight 50 year periods to , close on another 20 for all of seven 50 year periods, over 20 for six periods, close on 30 for five; 50 first names are recorded for at least four 50 year periods, over 70 for 3 and over names are recorded as recurring in at least two of the selected 50 year periods.
The significant differences between the two lists relate mainly to two rather different chronologies, the wider range of sources used by O'Brien and the significant shift in fashions of naming after AD. Of these strongly enduring names, Aed later anglicised Hugh is as equally and massively popular in the twelfth century as in the eighth century and becomes one of the great Gaelic revival names in the late medieval period. Both these first names were to anchor surname forms in later centuries.
Cellach, on the other hand, though remaining popular is only recorded half as often in the tenth- and eleventh-century Annals, although it again was to become a strong surname. Conchobar is one of the great consistent names, as powerful in the eleventh and twelfth centuries as in the eighth and ninth centuries to become one of the great first and second names over the second millennium see Figure 4 below.
In contrast, Congalach is again only half as powerful after than it is before. Cormac is equally becoming much less fashionable in the later centuries of the first millennium but nevertheless survives to anchor a key Irish surname see Atlas Extract, VI and first name. Both Diarmait and Donnchad were the other great consistent first names and second names equally popular in all centuries.
In contrast, while already a powerful name from at least the eighth century, Domnall grows three times as fashionable after to become one of the most influential first and second names, showing further strength in the late medieval era of re-gaelicisation. The name Muirchertach is rather rare with five recordings only by Subsequently it becomes highly favourable with close on 80 recorded occurrences in the AU between and Later on it becomes an anchor surname.
Muiredach is another of the very strong stable names across all these centuries while Murchad, in contrast, is almost twice as popular after as before. Niall, while remaining fashionable, dips somewhat out of favour in the latter half of the 11th century. However, the much larger sample of first names for the Annals of the Four Masters shows Niall continuing to function at a select, steady rate in the later Middle Ages.
The name slowly gathers momentum up to and is afterwards three times as popular.
However the epic story of the cultural geography of the name Patrick is still to be researched and written. The hearth money records for Armagh shows the name Patrick already deeply rooted in this north-eastern region by the mid-seventeenth century. However, the likely greatest surge in the use of Patrick may be linked to the growth of both St. Patrick's Day as the key national festival and to the whole nationalist awakening from the late eighteenth century onwards. Nevertheless, a thorough analysis of its geographical growth in Ireland and further afield would provide critical insights about phases and patterns of cultural transformation across Ireland and beyond.
Other very popular names in later eras such as Mary, Brigit and Brian only begin to become fashionable in the late tenth and early eleventh centuries. The Viking name lmar gathers strength from the mid eighth century and peaks from the late eight to the tenth centuries. The Nordic name Ragnall is also tenacious throughout six of the 50 year periods after and Ualgarg and Sitriuc even more so.
Lochlainn becomes quite a fashionable first name from the beginning of the eleventh century onwards. By then it is clear that Scandinavian-Irish names have long been assimilated into the Gaelic-Irish tradition. In contrast a large number of fairly important early names cease to be recorded after or ; these include Artgal, Colgu, Congal, Crunnmael, Eochu, Forbasach and Suairlech. Mapping all these first names across all the 50 year periods from to reveals a number of key general trends.
Firstly, quite a number of names such as Ailill, Bran, Congal practically disappear from these Annals after or There is severe attrition on many long-established names at this time. The most pronounced period of decline in the strengths of all these key first names lies between and , followed in many cases by a clear record of resurgence for the late tenth and eleventh centuries onwards. The above combination of names is strongly in the ascendancy from to ; older first names gradually regain the upperhand afterwards but there is a kind of equilibrium between old and new name forms from to Fourthly, there is clearly a resurgence of long-established names in the eleventh and twelfth centuries and some names that had almost disappeared from the record reappear.
And fifthly the Christianisation of first names mainly occurs after There is thus evidence of both strong continuities and striking fluidities and discontinuities. Four out of ten of first names in use c. Yet six out of ten of the total number of first names are recorded for only one of the year periods in the AU. Overall there appears to be a significant phase of cultural transformation expressed between c.
Then follows a trend towards greater stabilising of first names after This stability may also be strongly related to the spread of hereditary surnames and the consequent reduction in the need for a greater variety of first name forms. There are some parallels in the later impact of the Norman conquest in the high Middle Ages which depressed the status of local Gaelic names and saw the powerful spread of universal saints names as first names. Like in other West European countries, the use of Christian saints' names as first names in Ireland was a relatively slow process.
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However, after c. Mac Lysaght has provided one measure of these transformations in first names from his analysis of sources such as the Civil Survey, the Books of Survey and Distribution and the Cromwellian Certificates. Thomas, William, James and Edmund followed, each accounting for about five percent. The break with the earlier medieval period up to is, therefore, quite sharp. The old Gaelic names Connor, Dermot, Donough, Rory and Teig, only occupy a third category, each accounting in turn for nearly three percent of the Catholic population.
A little less prolific were Patrick, Richard and Nicholas. Mac Lysaght concludes that the list of these first names which each reach at least one per cent of the total includes Andrew, Christopher, Francis, Garrett, Henry, Loughlin, Mahon, Peter, Piers and Terlagh. These figures suggest a ratio of at least two-to-one by the mid-seventeenth century in favour of the Anglo-Norman derived first names for men as against the older Gaelic forms. The enumerated tituladoes of the Census allows some regional breakdown of this island-wide pattern.
In fact of the top ten first names of the old Gaelic elites of Ulster seven were from the Gaelic tradition and only three John, Edmund and Thomas from the medieval. The situation was very different amongst the new settler gentry of Ulster. John Apart from Hugh, Thomas and the ever popular John, no other first name is shared with the top ten names of the old Irish gentry while names such as Archbald, Arthur, Charles, Cromwell, Gustavus, Jason, Jacob and Joshua, through to Samuel, Theophilius and Tobias bespeak the new political and religious order.
Below the gentry level, a sample inspection of settler names amongst the depositions from the counties of Armagh, Queen's County Laois and Waterford shows that seven first names accounted for almost two-thirds of the total record. The remainder, which occur four times or less include such wonderful names as Isaak, Jasper, Job, Marmaduke, Rowland, Tristan and Zelopheled. At the urban settler level, very little difference is to be noted. The Census has little to tell us about incoming women's first names.
The depositions—given the much greater sample of women's names—is a much more fruitful source. These depositions comprise, for the most part, the sworn statements of Protestant settlers who had endured the Irish Rising of The hearth money records for Co. Tipperary offers a contrasting picture of women's first names amongst both the Old Irish and the descendants of the Anglo-Normans.
The leading name by far is Margaret And within Co. The pattern of pre-planter first names amongst the women of mid-seventeenth century Co. Dublin, while very similar to Tipperary, does reveal subtle regional differences as well. Mary third is in a much stronger position. Elizabeth is also more fashionable as are Anastasia and Sarah.
There are very few Gaelic first names left amongst the women of South Co. By , the universal saints' names brought in in the medieval period are dominant in the Pale and the old Gaelic first names have been eroded dramatically from this symbolic landscape. The extent to which both the intensification of Scots Presbyterian colonisation and settlement in the second half of the seventeenth and earlier part of the eighteenth century, and the late eighteenth and especially nineteenth century evangelical revivals strengthened as well as narrowed the range of Old Testament type first names amongst the descendants of the settler community still needs to be thoroughly researched.
Likewise the degree to which these naming patterns were Gaelicised—if at all—needs further exploration. We do know that some Johnstons become MacShanes, but this appears to be a relatively rare process. Patrick leaps into second place over the same period and is six times more fashionable in the mid-twentieth century as in the mid-seventeenth century.
It is also interesting to note that the range of men's first names has also narrowed over the three hundred years between c. This pattern replicates wider European trends in the narrowing of the naming stocks. Such names transcend the later Middle Ages to reach back to the most fashionable women's names in the pre-Norman period. The name Mary—already quite strong in the Pale region of the seventeenth century—now becomes the most favoured woman's first name. The depth of the cultural divergence between such women's first names as revealed in the mid-seventeenth century data sources and those of the mid-twentieth century is indeed immense.
A vast journey over a complex cultural terrain has been negotiated and traversed over the intervening three centuries. However great continuities also prevailed—and the most enduring feature of the Irish fashion in naming is the continued use of the forename in the creation of the very distinctive Irish second or surname system. In the specially revised edition of Woulfe's Sloinnte Gaedheal is Gall—Irish names and surnames , the Irish Genealogical Foundation provide a new index which lists c.
And close on one in seven of the names discussed by Woulfe are themselves diminutives or variations of other primary family surname forms. In the wider literature it is argued that Ireland provides one of the earliest examples of hereditary family surname formation in Europe, paralleling that of Southern France, perhaps a century ahead of England and clearly very different to countries like Lithuania, where second names only emerged in the eighteenth century and Iceland where the use of hereditary surnames is not characteristic at all.
The originating phase for Irish hereditary surnames seems to be the mid-tenth century. After , there is a great surge of new second name formations. A brief survey of these two Annals—that of Ulster and Inisfallen—between and is instructive. Whereas it would appear that less than four percent of recorded surnames had originated before , c. Thus, by the end of the twelfth century hereditary surname formation had spread among the elite classes in most parts of the country and continued to spread downwards amongst other groups.
And after a very significant crop of Anglo-Norman surnames also enters the records. Correlating early surname formation with occupational details highlights the significance of at least two specific groups with powerful interests in the hereditary principle. Royal families, other aristocratic families and local lords intent on carving out distinctive territorial domains, symbolised their status and distinctiveness by the adoption of specific surnames. They drew both a symbolic and geographical boundary around themselves as members of the ruling landed elites, thus forcing the discarded segments to adopt other name formations.
It is also relevant to note that early surname formation did become a feature of the key kin-groups attached to royal and aristocratic households and military administrations including castellans, stewards, brehons, bards, as well as military officers on land or sea. Equally significant was the formation of early surnames amongst the ecclesiastical elites. Ireland appears to be unique in Western Europe in that clerical families developed their own genealogies in addition to compiling and preserving the secular genealogies , thus stressing the centrality of the hereditary principle amongst the mainly aristocratic church families.
Lectors, abbots and bishops also made their contribution to the stock of surnames as did other related elites such as the poets, historians and topographers. An acceleration in both occupational specialisation and occupational diversification after and especially after also added impetus to the solidification of distinctive surnames see Appendices.
Mac Lysaght observes that the majority of these such as Mac Sherone ex Prendergast and Mac Ruddery ex Fitzsimon are nearly extinct today as are various offshoots of the Burkes. In addition Mac Lysaght has identified over 80 Anglo-Norman surnames which were formed from trades, employments, personal characteristics and nationality and are represented in medieval Irish records. Butler is another name of this type and its changing distribution between c. By , Gaelic and Gaelicised Ireland was still an expansive confident world and both the Irish language and Irish surname forms predominated in such regions.
English speech and English name forms were then concentrated on the enclave of the Pale and Dublin, a few other key port-cities and regional pockets elsewhere. By the early eighteenth century, in contrast, the tide had turned dramatically in favour of the English language and British culture and in favour of anglicised surname forms. The Tudor, Cromwellian and Williamite conquests had oppressed Gaelic Ireland and the story of the beginnings of a linguistic conquest is chronicled with ever increasing geographical precision between the s and the s in a large number of documents written in English.
These begin with the fiants of Henry VIII and of Elizabeth which provide in extraordinary detail the name forms of many in the Irish population over the sixteenth century. The increasingly detailed manuscript maps of sixteenth and seventeenth century Ireland likewise rendered key Irish family names and their territories in English forms as the rechristening of people and landscapes gathered pace. Recognition of the significance of these English-language based sources signals that the power to narrate Ireland's story and its naming systems had shifted dramatically by the seventeenth century.
Another sixteen per cent of these surnames were particular to two or three adjacent baronies. There are then the great regional names, confined to a single province and usually occupying two or three adjacent counties. And as early as not only the anglicisation but also the fragmentation of Irish surname forms was well on its way.
A further 19 names—from Byrne and Clarke, through Curran and Nolan to Ryan and O'Sullivan—are all rendered in at least eight, and often up to eleven, variations. A further 41 names from Duffy and Brennan onto Crowley and McDonagh are rendered in five to seven ways, while an additional 24 names including Brannagh and Cahill, O'Riordan and O'Rourke, are returned in at least four variant forms. The splintering of Irish cultural and political formations is symbolised in the fracturing of its surname forms as is internal differentiation in naming patterns within one linguistic community.
The likely process is that Petty's clerks—under the strict supervision of Petty's two most loyal and efficient lieutenants, his cousin John Pettie and the tireless assistant Thomas Taylor—were instructed to abstract and add up the total of Irish family names townland by townland from the parish poll-tax lists. Alternatively, the clerks were instructed to identify the settlers by their distinctive family names. The evidence for Co. Fermanagh suggests the latter strategy since, alone for this county, not only are the principal Irish names of specific districts named but so are the principal Scots and English and their number.
As it happens the Armstrongs head the list with 47 adults, the Johnstons follow with 34, the Elliots 28, the Grahams 21, the Nixons 14 while the Catcharts, Belfores, Croziers, Irwins, Montgomerys, Nobles and Scotts each recorded from five to ten adults. It is also clear that Co. Down and particularly Co.
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Antrim presented special problems to the clerks in distinguishing between the local Irish, Scots-Gaelic settlers and other planters with Mac prefixes. Figure 5 summarises at the barony scale the level of immigrant penetration in Antrim, most of Down, North Armagh, much of the county of Londonderry, East Donegal and a core around the lakes of Fermanagh. This map illuminates the cutting edge of a south-westward frontier as it advanced into the less densely populated edges of Connaught and the northwest midlands generally.
This advancing front of settler names was marching against an existing Gaelic world and in this encounter some of the older populations were deflected further south into Omeath in the Cooley peninsula to the east and the Galway-Clare borderlands and islands in the west. The second most powerful core of planter surnames pivoted around the Pale region and Dublin City.
Apart from a strategic northern salient, planter family names are only weakly represented in the rich hearthlands of North Leinster. But to the south and west a new wide band of significant minorities bearing planter names stretched right across Laois, Offaly and the edges of North Tipperary to reach the Shannon and Limerick. On the other flank, these settler names curved southwards to colonise the West Wicklow-North Wexford borderlands.
Thirdly, there was a southwestern core of planter names pivoting around Cork City and the Munster plantation precincts. Beyond these three cores, old Irish family names predominated. The Depositions and particularly the far greater survival rate of records of the hearth monies for many of the Ulster counties provide further insights into the distribution and character of settler names as they were carried into the northern half of Ireland.
Philip Robinson has made a major contribution here with his impressive maps of Scottish and English settlement zones based, amongst other criteria, on surnames analysis. As in Ulster, one notes the key role of the towns as gathering points and as springboards for funnelling settlers into the countryside. This surname analysis allows us to track these families and individuals as they spread out along the existing roads into the villages, farms, castles and big houses. And these detailed seventeenth-century surname distributions also indicate the fissures along which the English language spread at the expense of Irish.
Along these linguistic interfaces, compromises, confusions, ambiguities and pluralities abounded. Yet a brief survey of the Fiants of the second half of the sixteenth century shows that both Gaelic Christian names and surnames were still rendered in their older forms. The seventeenth century is absolutely decisive for the transformation and anglicisation of surnames. As Mac Lysaght notes, this was the period during which our surnames assumed approximately the forms ordinarily in use in Ireland today.
The names of the Elizabethan settlers and their more numerous successors in the seventeenth century did not become Gaelicised while the surnames of the Irish—whether of Gaelic or Anglo-Norman ancestry—were often transformed beyond recognition. In a sense, just as the mapping and renaming of their lands by the imperial power seemed to both appropriate the landscape and distance them from it, so the anglicisation of their name forms was another form of alienation and othering.retuankekerbtant.tk
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Clearly the symbolic universe of the Irish was being both fractured and reorganised. In addition, Mac Lysaght has identified at least surnames which are indigenous and common in Britain which come to be used as the anglicized form of Gaelic Irish names. Likewise, he identifies over 70 Gaelic Irish surnames which have an English appearance but nevertheless are rarely if ever derived from Britain. To confuse matters further, there are about forty Gaelic Irish names such as Brazil, Hession, Kehoe and Mannix that look like they are of foreign origin but are rarely if ever found as native to any country but Ireland.
It is doubtful if any other West European country has witnessed such a variety of transformations in surname forms. Mis translations, abbreviations, elisions, excisions, misunderstandings abound, a process accelerated further with the exodus to America. By , the mutation and diversification of these names over the previous two centuries becomes clearer.
In his survey of that year, Matheson identified close on surname variations out of a basic stock of over root names. At least a quarter of Matheson's registered surnames showed at least five variations in form and as many as one out of every six name forms shows ten or more variations. The name McLaughlin contains eighteen forms as does Cullen. Connolly, O Connor s and O Byrne reveal over 25 variations in name form while as we have seen, MacAneany is rendered in at least 38 different ways.
The quite extraordinary proliferation, multiplication and diversification of single surname forms also points to local and regional styles of both Irish and Hiberno-English pronunciation in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The geographical story of this anglicisation of Irish surnames is therefore a story of complex, multiple and mobile forms which shift and shuffle across a variety of local and regional terrains.
The regaelicisation of many Irish surname forms since the s has been equally a complex business. One has to allow that Irish family names in the enumeration includes a number of Old English names that had not been gaelicised. This therefore affects the distribution pattern especially in Leinster. Nevertheless, one can clearly identify four cultural regions. Much of Leinster with a core in the Pale which expands westwards into the Midlands and southwards down the Barrow valley to Waterford is seen to be a strongly anglicised zone. The second major cultural region expands from this Northern frontier zone into north-west Leinster and east Connaught and stretches south through East Clare and much of Tipperary and Waterford towards an outlet in South-west Cork.
This is the great hybrid cultural region which emerges on a number of maps of this late medieval world. Here, powerful cultural influences from both gaelicising and anglicising forces met, clashed and fused. And South-west Clare points the way towards the third major cultural region, comprising most of South and West Munster. Indeed a relatively sharp frontier extends from mid Clare into the hills of Tipperary and extends southwards into the West Waterford coastlands.
South and west of this line a far greater resistance to the anglicisation of surnames is revealed for the mid-seventeenth century. Over much of this Northern province—from Lecale in Co. This region of great continuity extends over much of Co. Leitrim and probably Co. Cavan as well. And as seen with the regional variations in Gaelic first name patterns, South Ulster presents a very sharp frontier to the anglicising world of North Leinster.
By the mid and late nineteenth century this picture is very different. Griffith's Valuation for the s 41 and the Registrar General's survey of provide us with magnificently detailed sources as to national, regional and local patterns of naming. The processes of surname transformation in the intervening eighteenth century—the mistranslations, the admixture of forms, the attritions—needs much further study. For example Mac Lysaght notes that the great variety of very specific surnames as revealed in the Elphin diocesan survey of has been much reduced by the later nineteenth century.
The flattening and erosion of the Gaelic name forms appears to be astonishing. The cultural distance between the strong Gaelic naming patterns of North and East Cork as per Petty's data and that of is very sharp indeed. Even allowing for underenumeration by English speaking pastors of the MacCarthy forms in in what was still often an Irish-speaking area, it is clear that by the s the regaelicisation of surname forms had ushered in a new era for both Cork and Ireland.
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What is clear is that its roots lie back in the mid nineteenth century, perhaps earlier. By this proportion had risen to But this small sample also clearly reveals profound differences in the fortunes of different Irish family names over recent centuries. These are followed by O'Dea But the centuries old attrition was much greater and deeper than this.
Only More dramatically, only c. Mysteries abound. In some instances, there may be a Gaelic syntactic explanation. Clearly, this whole area requires much further research. However, if one were to analyse the name formations using religious affiliation as a control, Ulster's position in the league table would likely be enhanced. Munster and Connaught have very similar proportions with The pattern in both may be reminiscent of the overall islandwide pattern of anglicisation and resistance to anglicisation as evidenced in the map Figure 6 while also showing surprising new regional dimensions.
This core zone of anglicisation then extends southwards into East Tipperary and South Kilkenny and bends north along the western edge of Carlow and into Co. Was the Munster plantation and the consequent early spread of English speech significant in this zone? All these cores act as anchors to wider regions of continuity and resurgence over much of Ulster apart from Cavan , along the northern and western edges of Leinster as well as comprising much of Connaught. Most of Thomond Clare falls into the pattern as does a strikingly wide belt of territory stretching from East Limerick through south and South-West Tipperary on into coastal Waterford.
This latter Munster region appears to be a zone where the battle for supremacy between the Irish and English languages and cultures was prolonged. As we have seen the O'Connor name form lost out most emphatically to the Connor s form between the seventeenth and the nineteenth centuries. Otherwise, the Connor s forms reign supreme and most emphatically over most of Ulster and much of Leinster apart from a cluster of baronies in Meath and Dublin.
Most interesting, the strongest cores in for the O'Regan name form are in the cities of Limerick and Cork where the ratios are well above their county levels. Likewise the cities of Cork and Limerick show greater retention of, or more likely, resumption of the O'Neill form. This pattern is also replicated for the O'Connor formation and Dublin city also shows a far higher ratio of the O'Connor versus Connor s form than does the surrounding counties. These urban statistics for the mid-nineteenth century all clearly point to, amongst other things, the early regaelicisation process which under the Gaelic League and other cultural forces gathers a powerful momentum by the last decades of the nineteenth century.
By this time, the majority of the Irish population had come to consider Ireland as a separate and autonomous nation and felt its surnames should both reflect and demarcate that heritage. It is, therefore, not surprising that the critical decades for key publications on Irish surnames and placenames was at the latter end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century.
And the struggle for geographical space was not only expressed in changing street names but also in the transformation and gaelicisation of first and second names. In Cork City in only 0. The equivalent figure for Dublin City is 6. The equivalent figure for Galway City is 3. Derry City shows a stronger shift towards this form with Similar trends are revealed by the O'Regan surname which has increased from 6. The widely dispersed name of O'Connor s is most geographically illuminating in this context.
Limerick, Cork and Dublin citizens—in that order—led in this renaming process.
Rural areas generally were slower in adopting these changes, with the north-western counties showing lower patterns in the use of the O'Connor form. And by far the slowest rate of this form of regaelicisation in the island has been experienced in Northern Ireland where a majority still use the Connor s form. One of the great but not unexpected ironies, therefore, in the regaelicisation process has been that the core regions of anglicisation and the declassing of Gaelic forms of dress and address including first and second names have been the focal points of the modern Gaelic revival.
And the final irony is that Ulster and more particularly the counties within Northern Ireland—the region of greatest continuity and resilience in the seventeenth century—has the lowest rate of regaelicisation of surnames in the whole island. Clearly the fostering of the Irish language by the southern state and its neglect in the northern state played a critical role here. Whatever the period involved, the extent to which ruling elites and their associated political and social formations foster or do not foster a particular language has a profound effect on many aspects of a culture, not least both on the name forms themselves and the terrains of discourse about names, places and identities.
The geographical study of Irish first names and second names is still at an early stage. This section only touches the surface of some of the major contours that describe and encompass this vast territory. It is true that we have explored and mapped some essential elements in the mosaic.
But it is also clear that many stories about changing ideologies, linguistic encounters and competing terrains of discourse have still to be elucidated and written to better understand the major cultural forces shaping these shifting worlds of naming and names and associated identity constructions.
Nevertheless an initial mining of the relevant sources is useful for both dismantling some inherited myths and for raising a series of questions. Greater precision about the beginning dates for a range of Christian names and surnames is very helpful for both dating and mapping a range of placenames containing these elements. It is possible, for example, that one of the first great phases of re gaelicisation post-dates the Scandinavian-Irish encounter?
Likewise, the geographical expansion of medieval Norman-English naming systems is impressive in scope. However, we are still unclear about the regional extent and naming impact of the so-called Gaelic resurgence of the later Middle Ages. Even more striking and requiring much more research is the full story of the geography of the most recent regaelicisation phase from c. There remains a whole series of mysteries relating to the survival or non-survival of particular name forms. And in the most recent regaelicisation phase, why is it that there is a host of Irish names such as Boland, Brophy, Connolly, Garvey, Hennessy, Larkin and Murphy where the prefix is rarely if ever resumed?
Likewise much work needs to be done on the shuffling and interaction of name forms as between immigrant and local families in the early modern era. The data-sources for the seventeenth as well as the nineteenth and twentieth centuries are relatively good—but the crucial naming worlds of the eighteenth century, often bilingual and bicultural—still require much attention. So do the complex stories and issues pivoting around names and identities.
And finally, right across Europe for many centuries names placed the individual in his or her family, community, gender and class. In contrast traditional naming systems connected the individual or family to social structures and cultural formations that were more permanent and slower to change. It is these powerful continuities and their transformations that have been at the heart of this geographical analysis. In order to create the surname maps for this project, two different sources of data were used.
The two data sources used provide quite different types and distributions of data. Griffith's Valuation provides numerical data, on a parish level, of the number of households bearing a particular surname. This ensures that the data could then be mapped on a parish, barony and county level if so required. As explained in the introduction and using Edward Maclysaght's seminal work on the forms of The Surnames of Ireland , a selection of names were mapped using the Griffith's Valuation data. All of the principal names from the Census were mapped.
The poll tax was carried out, for the most part, in the year The most influential people in society were identified as Tituladoes , a term coined by Petty himself to describe those individuals who are returned as paying the highest taxes. It is thought that Petty wanted, in particular, to ascertain the ethnic divisions and proportions within Ireland at the time. There are, however, a few difficulties with using the Census as a source of data.
It is probable that most single adult males and females who were not servants or employed were excluded from the taxation and, therefore, the record. As another example, holders of ecclesiastical positions are not included in the returns as they were exempt from payment of the poll tax. The greatest difficulty with the Census however, is the fact that some data is missing.
Data is missing for four baronies in Cork and nine baronies in Meath. The data for Co Fermanagh and Co Monaghan is available only on a county level. Therefore special provision had to be made for these situations when creating the surname maps. Another difficulty involved in the use of Petty's Census is the changing of the barony boundaries themselves. Since the seventeenth century, many baronies have either been enlarged or reduced, yet the baseline digitised map we have been using is based on the barony boundaries of the nineteenth century.
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Much time was expended in ascertaining where the old barony boundaries begin and end, and changing the digital map layout to accurately portray the seventeenth century data. The aim of this part of the project was to map all of the principal names that occurred in Ireland in the mid-seventeenth century. For this purpose, all the principal names contained in the index of the Census were noted.
A sizeable part of the project was to then to investigate how this range of surnames would be mapped.